My Story as the Member of Federal Council
Author: Benjamin Wee
My name is Nikolai Udinov, and I was born on February 12, 1964, in the city of Novgorod. Politics is a part of my life ever since I was a boy. My father was a retired member of the city council and he always wanted me to have a career in politics. In my country, being in politics is one of the only ways to lead a more successful life.
In 1982 I was accepted to Moscow State University. During this time I met Mikhail Khodorkovsky, a man who will later play an important role in my life. In 1989 we both foresaw a huge change in our country and began to make plans. When the Communist Party fell and ended the reign of the Soviet Union, we were already ready. We started our own energy company, Zetrov, in 1990. By using Novgorod’s key geographic location we managed to win contracts from the new Russian government to develop power plants and hydroelectric facilities along the Volkhov River. The money and jobs we brought to Novogord was huge. With this money I was able to find numerous connections within my city and oblast, some even reaching as far as the Kremlin. In 1993, I left most operations in Zetrov to Khodorkovsky and, following my father’s footsteps, announced my interest in politics. Almost immediately I was appointed to be the head of the energy department in Novgorod.
In 1982 I was accepted to Moscow State University. During this time I met Mikhail Khodorkovsky, a man who will later play an important role in my life. In 1989 we both foresaw a huge change in our country and began to make plans. When the Communist Party fell and ended the reign of the Soviet Union, we were already ready. We started our own energy company, Zetrov, in 1990. By using Novgorod’s key geographic location we managed to win contracts from the new Russian government to develop power plants and hydroelectric facilities along the Volkhov River. The money and jobs we brought to Novogord was huge. With this money I was able to find numerous connections within my city and oblast, some even reaching as far as the Kremlin. In 1993, I left most operations in Zetrov to Khodorkovsky and, following my father’s footsteps, announced my interest in politics. Almost immediately I was appointed to be the head of the energy department in Novgorod.
Even though I was only at the local government, I could see the direction where Russia’s politics is headed. In 1991 we had our first democratically elected president, an opportunity for us to show the world our commitment to democracy. Yet inside the system there were no elections. What I mean is, we had elections, but votes didn’t matter. Your position in office was already decided by people in the Kremlin. During my time in university I knew a man whose father is now the head of economic affairs simply because he owned the largest bank in St. Petersburg. I saw the corruption in the system, but I didn’t say anything. I already foresaw my future. Zetrov will help me become the most powerful man in Russia. As I held my office in Novgorod, I started using Zetrov to make connections.
By 1998 my influence in Russia had grown tremendously. Zetrov now dominates the energy sector. We have begun offshore oil drilling operations and exporting natural gas to all of Europe. At this time, I received a call from President Boris Yeltsin’s prime minister Sergey Kiriyenko, who offered me a seat in the Federation Council. By this statement I mean that I already have a seat in the Federation Council, and it’s just a question of whether I was willing to take it. According to the Russian Constitution, members of the Federation Council weren’t elected, but appointed.
I took up the offer and entered the Federation Council as a senator from Novgorod oblast. This offer came at a good timing because Khodorkovsky and I were planning to move Zetrov’s headquarters to Moscow. Zetrov’s power at this time already influenced government policy on a national level. Even though I was only in the Federation Council I was frequently in meetings with top officials of the government. I didn’t see corruption within the political system, but now that I looked back, it was because I was the corruption. Khodorkovsky drafted economic policy favourable to the company, and I used my position in the Federation Council to get them passed.
In 2000 Russia had its first presidential elections contested between candidates of certain political parties. United Russia, headed by a politician named Vladimir Putin, won. Soon after becoming president Putin sought to bring down the power of the oligarchs. He implicated Khodorkovsky in a tax scandal and got him jailed as a warning, but said I was a more valuable asset. I joined United Russia not because I felt threatened, but I knew that Putin and his party would be in powerful for the next decade or so. It is always better to be on the winning side.
Even though the power of Zetrov was curbed I was still able to exert quite a lot of influence over Russian economic policy. I often held talks with prime minister Dmitri Medvedev and discussed ways to push economic policies through the Federation Council. Even though we oligarchs have less power under the Putin government, we still hold a considerable influence. Putin knows he needs us, but now we also need him. Corruption – bribery, under-the-table negotiations – still existed in Russia, and I was still a part of it. But this will soon change. I still have a seat in the upper house of the legislature, and I still have Zetrov. I am favourable in the eyes of Medvedev, and he hinted that Putin would appoint me as the next leader of United Russia. He recently appointed Ari Tasarov as the head of the Supreme Arbitration Court, Russia’s court that deals with economic affairs, to help me push economic policies. Through Zetrov, I can improve the economic lives of Russians, and gain popularity. When the time comes, Putin will publicly endorse me as his next presidential candidate when he leaves office, and I will become the next president of the Russian Federation.
By 1998 my influence in Russia had grown tremendously. Zetrov now dominates the energy sector. We have begun offshore oil drilling operations and exporting natural gas to all of Europe. At this time, I received a call from President Boris Yeltsin’s prime minister Sergey Kiriyenko, who offered me a seat in the Federation Council. By this statement I mean that I already have a seat in the Federation Council, and it’s just a question of whether I was willing to take it. According to the Russian Constitution, members of the Federation Council weren’t elected, but appointed.
I took up the offer and entered the Federation Council as a senator from Novgorod oblast. This offer came at a good timing because Khodorkovsky and I were planning to move Zetrov’s headquarters to Moscow. Zetrov’s power at this time already influenced government policy on a national level. Even though I was only in the Federation Council I was frequently in meetings with top officials of the government. I didn’t see corruption within the political system, but now that I looked back, it was because I was the corruption. Khodorkovsky drafted economic policy favourable to the company, and I used my position in the Federation Council to get them passed.
In 2000 Russia had its first presidential elections contested between candidates of certain political parties. United Russia, headed by a politician named Vladimir Putin, won. Soon after becoming president Putin sought to bring down the power of the oligarchs. He implicated Khodorkovsky in a tax scandal and got him jailed as a warning, but said I was a more valuable asset. I joined United Russia not because I felt threatened, but I knew that Putin and his party would be in powerful for the next decade or so. It is always better to be on the winning side.
Even though the power of Zetrov was curbed I was still able to exert quite a lot of influence over Russian economic policy. I often held talks with prime minister Dmitri Medvedev and discussed ways to push economic policies through the Federation Council. Even though we oligarchs have less power under the Putin government, we still hold a considerable influence. Putin knows he needs us, but now we also need him. Corruption – bribery, under-the-table negotiations – still existed in Russia, and I was still a part of it. But this will soon change. I still have a seat in the upper house of the legislature, and I still have Zetrov. I am favourable in the eyes of Medvedev, and he hinted that Putin would appoint me as the next leader of United Russia. He recently appointed Ari Tasarov as the head of the Supreme Arbitration Court, Russia’s court that deals with economic affairs, to help me push economic policies. Through Zetrov, I can improve the economic lives of Russians, and gain popularity. When the time comes, Putin will publicly endorse me as his next presidential candidate when he leaves office, and I will become the next president of the Russian Federation.